President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare 
in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. 

    As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. 

    And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. 

    I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many 
will follow. 

    We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the 
story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that
 became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to
 defend but not to conquer. 

    It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and 
enduring ideals. 

    The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves 
a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. 

    Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes
 halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course. 

    Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it 
is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. 

    Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we 

carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet 
to travel. 

    While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions 
of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And 
sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. 

    We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens
 in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity. 

    I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image. 

    And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward. 

    America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds,
 lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. 
Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American. 

    Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. 

    America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each 
of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. 

    Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates 
appear small. 

    But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. 
If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their 
idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. 

    We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of 
trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment. 

    America, at its best, is also courageous. 

    Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common
 good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage
 in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations. 

    Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives. 

    We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And
 we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans. 

    We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge. 

    We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors. 

    The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and 
by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show
 purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we 
will speak for the valuesss that gave our nation birth. 

    America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is
 unworthy of our nation's promise. 

    And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are
 not acts of God, they are failures of love. 

    And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. 

    Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, 
but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. 

    Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.
 Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. 

    And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church 
and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in 
our plans and in our laws. 

    Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. 

    And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not
 pass to the other side. 

    America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valuessd and expected. 

    Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires
 sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.
 And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. 

    Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on 
uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. 

    Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are
 called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. 

    I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public 
interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to 
live it as well. 

    In all these ways, I will bring the valuesss of our history to the care of our times. 

    What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;
 to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you 
to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of 
service and a nation of character. 

    Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs
 beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this 
spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it. 

    After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: ``We
 know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind
 and directs this storm?'' 

    Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the
 themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity. 

    We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in
our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. 

    Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and 
generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life. 

    This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm. 

    God bless you all, and God bless America. 

乔治-W-布什就任第43任美国总统的演讲全文 

谢谢大家！ 

克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们： 

    这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。 

    站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。 

    在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世
界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占
有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想
指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。  

    这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有
所作为。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承
诺的途中曾停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。 

    在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们
的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不
断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。 

    有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和
出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不
能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将
竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引
导我们前进。 

    对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心
系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，
只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家更具美国特色。 

    今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。 
美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。 

    有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，
我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导； 如果我们不引导我们的孩子们
真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的
受害者将是平民百姓。 

    我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中
寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。 

    美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。 

    在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面
临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，
我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。 

    我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的
范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要
阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。 

    反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的
选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的
行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。 

    正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。 

    当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于
冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替
我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。 

    哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。
当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。 

    对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。
有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会
堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。 

    我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们
看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。 

    正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。 

    鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会
到一种更加深刻的成就感。 

    我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子
们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。 

    我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面
行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。 

    在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去
做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。 

    我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要
通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。 

    （同胞们），你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革
措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。
你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。 

    美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，
无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。 

    在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说："我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，
力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？" 

    杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个
时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。 

    我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力
在履行着各自的职责。 

    带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个
人和所有人生命的尊严。 

    这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。 

    愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国！ 

    My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from the Oval Office as your president. 
I am profoundly grateful to you for twice giving me the honor to serve, to work for you and with you to prepare
 our nation for the 21st century. And I'm grateful to Vice President Gore, to my Cabinet secretaries, and to all
 those who have served with me for the last eight years. 

    This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our 
social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, our people more prosperous. 

    You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal. 

    In all the work I have done as president, every decision I have made, every executive action I have taken, every
 bill I have proposed and signed, I've tried to give all Americans the tools and conditions to build the future of 
our dreams, in a good society, with a strong economy, a cleaner environment, and a freer, safer, more prosperous world. 

    I have steered my course by our enduring valuess. Opportunity for all. Responsibility from all. A community of all 
Americans. I have sought to give America a new kind of government, smaller, more modern, more effective, full of
 ideas and policies appropriate to this new time, always putting people first, always focusing on the future. 

    Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, 
the lowest unemployment in 30 years, the highest home ownership ever, the longest expansion in history. 

    Our families and communities are stronger. Thirty-five million Americans have used the family leave law. 
Eight million have moved off welfare. Crime is at a 25-year low. Over 10 million Americans receive more 
college aid, and more people than ever are going to college. Our schools are better -- higher standards, greater
 accountability and larger investments have brought higher test scores, and higher graduation rates. 

    More than three million children have health insurance now, and more than 7 million Americans have been 
lifted out of poverty. Incomes are rising across the board. Our air and water are cleaner. Our food and drinking 
water are safer. And more of our precious land has been preserved, in the continental United States, than at any
 time in 100 years. 

    America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe. 

    I'm very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new president, with America in such
 a strong position to meet the challenges of the future. 

    Tonight, I want to leave you with three thoughts about our future. First, America must maintain our record
 of fiscal responsibility. Through our last four budgets, we've turned record deficits to record surpluses,
 and we've been able to pay down $600 billion of our national debt, on track to be debt free by the end of 
the decade for the first time since 1835. 

    Staying on that course will bring lower interest rates, greater prosperity and the opportunity to meet our
 big challenges. If we choose wisely, we can pay down the debt, deal with the retirement of the baby boomers,
 invest more in our future and provide tax relief. 

    Second, because the world is more connected every day in every way, America's security and prosperity require
 us to continue to lead in the world. At this remarkable moment in history, more people live in freedom that 
ever before. Our alliances are stronger than ever. People all around the world look to America to be a force 
for peace and prosperity, freedom and security. The global economy is giving more of our own people, and 
billions around the world, the chance to work and live and raise their families with dignity. 

    But the forces of integration that have created these good opportunities also make us more subject to global
 forces of destruction, to terrorism, organized crime and narco-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons and
 disease, the degradation of the global environment. 

    The expansion of trade hasn't fully closed the gap between those of us who live on the cutting edge of the 
global economy and the billions around the world who live on the knife's edge of survival. This global gap 
requires more than compassion. It requires action. Global poverty is a powder keg that could be ignited by 
our indifference. 

    In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson warned of entangling alliances. But in our times, America
 cannot and must not disentangle itself from the world. If we want the world to embody our shared valuess, 
then we must assume a shared responsibility. 

    If the wars of the 20th century, especially the recent ones in Kosovo and Bosnia, have taught us anything, 
it is that we achieve our aims by defending our valuess and leading the forces of freedom and peace. We must 
embrace boldly and resolutely that duty to lead, to stand with our allies in word and deed, and to put a 
human face on the global economy so that expanded trade benefits all people in all nations, lifting lives 
and hopes all across the world. 

    Third, we must remember that America cannot lead in the world unless here at home we weave the threads of
 our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America. As we become ever more diverse, we must work harder 
to unite around our common valuess and our common humanity. 

    We must work harder to overcome our differences. In our hearts and in our laws, we must treat all our people
 with fairness and dignity, regardless of their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation and regardless 
of when they arrived in our country, always moving toward the more perfect union of our founders' dreams. 

    Hillary, Chelsea and I join all Americans in wishing our very best to the next president, George W. Bush, 
to his family and his administration in meeting these challenges and in leading freedom's march in this 
new century. 

    As for me, I'll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived and more 
confident than ever that America's best days lie ahead. 

    My days in this office are nearly through, but my days of service, I hope, are not. In the years ahead, 
I will never hold a position higher or a covenant more sacred than that of president of the United States.
 But there is no title I will wear more proudly than that of citizen. 

    Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America." 

【译文】 

　　同胞们，今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统，在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。 

　　我从心底深处感谢你们给了我两次机会和荣誉，为你们服务，为你们工作，和你们一起为我们的国家进入21世纪做准备。
这里，我要感谢戈尔副总统，我的内阁部长们以及所有伴我度过过去8年的同事们。现在是一个极具变革的年代，你们为迎接
新的挑战已经做好了准备。是你们使我们的社会更加强大，我们的家庭更加健康和安全，我们的人民更加富裕。 

　　同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。 

　　作为总统，我所做的一切---每一个决定，每一个行政命令，提议和签署的每一项法令，都是在努力为美国人民提供工
具和创造条件，来实现美国的梦想，建设美国的未来---一个美好的社会，繁荣的经济，清洁的环境，进而实现一个更自由、
更安全、更繁荣的世界。 

　　借助我们永恒的价值，我驾驭了我的航程。机会属于每一个美国公民；(我的)责任来自全体美国人民；所有美国人民
组成了一个大家庭。我一直在努力为美国创造一个新型的政府：更小、更现代化、更有效率、面对新时代的挑战充满创意和
思想、永远把人民的利益放在第一位、永远面向未来。 

　　我们在一起使美国变得更加美好。我们的经济正在破着一个又一个的记录，向前发展。我们已创造了2200万个新的工作
岗位，我们的失业率是30年来最低的，老百姓的购房率达到一个空前的高度，我们经济繁荣的持续时间是历史上最长的。 

　　我们的家庭、我们的社会变得更加强大。3500万美国人曾经享受联邦休假，800万人重新获得社会保障，犯罪率是25年
来最低的，1000多万美国人享受更多的入学贷款，更多的人接受大学教育。我们的学校也在改善。更高的办学水平、更大
的责任感和更多的投资使得我们的学生取得更高的考试分数和毕业成绩。 

　　目前，已有300多万美国儿童在享受着医疗保险，700多万美国人已经脱离了贫困线。全国人民的收入在大幅度提高。
我们的空气和水资源更加洁净，食品和饮用水更加安全。我们珍贵的土地资源也得到了近百年来前所未有的保护。 

　　美国已经成为地球上每个角落促进和平和繁荣的积极力量。 

　　我非常高兴能于此时将领导权交给新任总统，强大的美国正面临未来的挑战。 

　　今晚，我希望大家能从以下3点审视我们的未来：第一，美国必须保持它的良好财政状况。通过过去4个财政年度的努力，
我们已经把破纪录的财政赤字变为破纪录的盈余。并且，我们已经偿还了6000亿美元的国债，我们正向10年内彻底偿还国家
债务的目标迈进，这将是1835年以来的第一次。 

　　只要这样做，就会带来更低的利率、更大的经济繁荣，从而能够迎接将来更大的挑战。如果我们做出明智的选择，我们
就能偿还债务，解决(二战后出生的)一大批人们的退休问题，对未来进行更多的投资，并减轻税收。 

　　第二，世界各国的联系日益紧密。为了美国的安全与繁荣，我们应继续融入世界。在这个特别的历史时刻，更多的
美国人民享有前所未有的自由。我们的盟国更加强大。全世界人民期望美国成为和平与繁荣、自由与安全的力量。全球
经济给予美国民众以及全世界人民更多的机会去工作、生活，更体面地养活家庭。 

　　但是，这种世界融合的趋势一方面为我们创造了良好的机会，但同时使得我们在全球范围内更容易遭致破坏性力量、
恐怖主义、有组织的犯罪、贩毒活动，致命性武器和疾病传播的威胁。 

　　尽管世界贸易不断扩大，但它没能缩小处于全球经济繁荣中的我们同数十亿处于死亡边缘的人们之间的距离。 

　　要解决世界贫富两极分化需要的不是同情和怜悯，而是实际行动。贫穷有可能被我们的漠不关心激化而成为火药桶。 

　　托马斯-杰斐逊在他的就职演说中告诫我们结盟的危害。但是，在我们这个时代，美国不能，也不可能使自己脱离这
个世界。如果我们想把我们共有的价值观赋予这个世界，我们必须共同承担起这个责任。 

　　如果20世纪的历次战争，尤其是新近在科索沃地区和波斯尼亚爆发的战争，能够让我们得到某种教训的话，我们从
中得到的启示应是：由于捍卫了我们的价值观并领导了自由和和平的力量，我们才达到了目标。我们必须坚定勇敢地拥抱
这个信念和责任，在语言和行动上与我们的同盟者们站在一起，领导他们按这条道路前进；循着在全球经济中以人为本的
观念，让不断发展的贸易能够使所有国家的所有人受益，在全世界范围内提高他们的生活水平和实现他们的梦想。 

　　第三，我们必须牢记如果我们不团结一致，美国就不能领先世界。随着我们变得越来越多样化，我们必须更加努力地
团结在共同价值观和共同人性的旗帜下。 

　　我们要加倍努力地工作，克服生活中存在的种种分歧。于情于法，我们都要让我们的人民受到公正的待遇，不论他是
哪一个民族、信仰何种宗教、什么性别或性倾向，或者何时来到这个国家。我们时时刻刻都要为了实现先辈们建立高度团
结的美利坚合众国的梦想而奋斗。 

　　希拉里、切尔西和我同美国人民一起，向即将就任的布什总统、他的家人及美国新政府致以衷心的祝福，希望新政府
能够勇敢面对挑战，并高扛自由大旗在新世纪阔步前进。 

　　对我来说，当我离开总统宝座时，我充满更多的理想，比初进白宫时更加充满希望，并且坚信美国的好日子还在后面。 

　　我的总统任期就要结束了，但是我希望我为美国人民服务的日子永远不会结束。在我未来的岁月里，我再也不会担任
一个能比美利坚合众国总统更高的职位、签订一个比美利坚合众国总统所能签署的更为神圣的契约了。当然，没有任何一个
头衔能让我比作为一个美国公民更为自豪的了。 

　　谢谢你们！愿上帝保佑你们！愿上帝保佑美国！ 

The Fourth Debate       (Richard Nixon&John F. Kennedy)       Oct. 21, 1960.

第 四 次 辩 论       1960.10.21.     （理查德·尼克松&约翰·肯尼迪）

The fourth debate

    In 1960, both Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice-President Richard M. Nixon ran strong campaigns for the presidency, but the　former's impressive performance in four televised debates helped make the difference. Kennedy, 43, became the youngest person and the first Roman Catholic elected to the presidency with his narrow victory over Nixon.

Mr. Howe, Senator Kennedy, my fellow Americans, 

Since this campaign began, I have had a very rare privilege: I have traveled to 48 of the 50 states, and in my travels, I've learned what the people of the United States are thinking about. There is one issue that stands out above all the rest, one in which every American is concerned, regardless of what group he may be a member and regardless of where he may live. And that issue very simply stated is this: how can we keep the peace? Keep it without surrender. How can we extend freedom? Extend it without war 

Now in determining how we deal with this issue, we must find the answer to a very important, but simple question: who threatens the peace? Who threatens freedom in the world? There is only one threat to peace, and one threat to freedom that which is presented by the international Communist movement. And therefore, if we are to have peace, if we are to keep our own freedom and extend it to others without war, we must know how to deal with the Communists and their leaders. I know Mr. Khruchev I also have had the opportunity of knowing and meeting other Communist leaders in the world, I believe there are certain principles we must find in dealing with him and his colleagues, principles if followed, will keep the peace and that also can extend freedom. 

First, we have to learn from the past, because we cannot afford to make the mistakes of the past. In the seven years before this administration came into power in Washington, we found that six hundred million people went behind the Iron Curtain, and at the end of that seven years, we were engaged in a war in Korea, which caused over thirty thousand American lives. In the past seven years, in President Eisenhower's administration, this situation has been reversed. We ended the Korean War. By strong, firm leadership, we have kept out of other wars, and we have avoided surrender of principle or territory at the conference table. 

Now why were we successful, as our predecessors were not successful? I think there are severa1 reasons. In the first place, they made a fatal error in misjudging the Communists, in trying to applying to them the same rules of conduct that you would app1y to the 1eaders of the free world. One of the major errors they made was the one that led to the Korean War. In ruling out the defense of Korea, they invited aggression in that area, they thought they were going to have peace, it brought war 

We learned from their mistakes, and so in our seven years, we find that we have been firm in our diplomacy We have never made concessions without getting concessions in return. We have always been willing to go the extra mile to negotiate for disarmament or in any other area, but we have never been willing to do anything that in effect surrender freedom anyplace in the world. That is why President Eisenhower was correct in not apologizing or expressing regrets to Mr. Khruchev at the Paris conference, as Senator Kennedy suggested he could have done, that is why President Eisenhower was also correct in his policy in the Formosa Straits where he declined and refused to follow the recommendations, recommendations which Senator Kennedy voted for in 1955, again made in 1959, again repeated in his debates that you have heard, recommendations with regard to again slicing off a piece of free territory and abandoning it, if in effect, to the Communists. 

Why did the President feel that this was wrong, and why was the President right and his critics wrong? Because again, this showed a lack of understanding of dictators, a lack of understanding particularly of Communists, because every time you make such a concession, it does not lead to peace, it only encourages them to blackmail you, it encourages them to begin a war And so I say, that the records show that we know how to keep the peace, to keep it without surrender Let us move now to the future. 

It's not enough to stand on this record, because we are dealing with the most ruthless, fanatical leaders that the world has ever seen. That is why I say that in this period of the Sixties, America must move forward in every area. First of all, although we are today as Senator Kennedy has admitted, the strongest nation in the world militarily we must increase our strength, increase it so that we will always have enough strength that regardless of what our potential opponents have, if they should Iaunch a surprise attack, we will be able to destroy their war-making capabilities. They must know in other words, that it's national suicide if they begin anything. We need this kind of strength because we are the guardians of the peace. 

In addition to military strength, we need to see that the economy of this country continues to grow It has grown in the past seven years. It can, and will grow even more in the next four And the reason that it must grow even more is because we have things to do at home, and also because we are in a race for survival, a race in which it isn't enough to be ahead, it isn't

enough simply to be complacent, we have to move ahead in order to stay ahead. And that is why in this field, I have made recommendations which I am confident will move the American economy ahead, move it firmly and soundly so that there will never be a time when the Soviet Union will be able to challenge our superiority in this field. 

And so we need military strength, we need economic strength, we also need the right diplomatic policies. What are they? Again, we turn to the past f firmness, but no belligerence, and by no belligerence I mean that we do not answer insult by insult. When you are proud and confident of your strength, you do not get down to the level of Mr. Anruchev and his colleagues,

and that example that President Eisenhower has set, we will continue to follow 

But all this by itself is not enough. It's not enough for us simply to be the strongest nation militarily the strongest economically and also to have firm diplomacy we must have a great goal, and that is not just to keep freedom for ourselves, but to extend it to all the world. To extend it to all the world because that is America's destiny To extend it to all the world because the Communist aim is not to hold their own, but to extend Communism. And you cannot fight a victory for Communism or a strategy of victory for Communism with a strategy simply of holding the line. And so I say that we believe that our po1icies of military strength, of economic strength, of diplomatic firmness first will keep the peace, and keep it without surrender. We also be1ieve that in the great field of ideals, that we can lead America to the victory for freedom, victory in the new1y developing countries, victory also in the capita1ist countries, provided we have faith in ourselves, and faith in our principles.

 ************** 

(John F. Kennedy) 

Mr. Howe, Mr. Vice President. First, let me again try to correct the record on the matter of Keen W1liam Matchship. I voted for the Formosa resolution in 1955, I've sustained it since .then, I've said that I agreed with the Administration policies. Mr. Nixon earlier indicated that he would defend Keen William Matchship even if the attacks on these islands, two miles of the coast of China, would not be part of a general attack on the Formosa in the Prescadories. I indicated that I would defend those islands if the attack were directed against Prescadories and Formosa, which is part of the Eisenhower policy I've supported that policy In the last week, as a member of the Senate Formulations Committee, I've re-read the testimony of General Twinning, representing the Administration in 1959, and the Assistant Secretary of State before the Formulations Committee in 1958, and I've accurately described the Administration policy and I support it wholeheartedly So that really isn't an issue in this campaign. It isn't an issue if Mr. Nixon, who now says that he also supports the Eisenhower policy nor is the question that all Americans want peace and security an issue in this campaign. 

The question is: are we moving in the direction of peace and security? Is our relative strength growing? Is, as Mr. Nixon said, our prestige at an all time high, as he said a week ago, and that of the Communist at an all time low? I don't believe that it is. I don't believe that our relative strength is increasing. And I say that not as a Democratic standard-bearer, but as a citizen of the United States who is concerned about the United States. I look at Cuba, ninety miles off the coast of the United States. In 1957, I was in Havana, I talked to the American ambassador there, he said that he was the second most powerful man in Cuba. And yet, even though Ambassador Smith and Ambassador Gardner, both Republican ambassadors, both warned of Castro, the Marxist influences around' Castro, the Communist influences around Castro, both of them have testified in the last six weeks that in spite of their warnings to the American government, nothing was done. 

Our security depends upon Latin America. Can any American looking at the situation in Latin America feel content with what's happening today? When a candidate for the Presidency of Brazil feels it's necessary to call, not on Washington during the campaign, but on Castro and Havana, in order to pick up the support of the Castro supporters in Brazil? At the American conference and Intra-Americas conference this summer, when we wanted them to join together in the denunciation of Castro and the Cuban Communists, we couldn't even get the Intra-American group to join together in denouncing Castro. It was rather a vague statement that they finally made. Do you know today that the Russians broadcast ten times as many programs in Spanish to Latin America as we do? Do you know we don't have a single program sponsored by our government to Cuba? To tell them our story to tell them that we are their friends, that we want them to be free again. 

Africa is now the emerging area of the world. It contains twenty-five percent of all the members of the General Assembly We didn't even have a bureau of African Affairs until 1957. In the Africa south of the Sahara, which is the major new section, we have less students from all of Africa in that area studying under government auspices today than from the country of Thailand? If it's one thing that African countries needs, it's technical assistance, and yet last year, we gave them less than five per cent of all the technical assistance funds that we distributed around the world. We relied in the Middle East on the Baghdad Pact, and yet when the Iraqi government was changed, the Baghdad Pact broke down. We relied on the Eisenhower Doctrine for the Middle East which passed the Senate. There isn't one country in the Middle East that now endorses the Eisenhower Doctrine. 

We look to Asia, because the struggles in the under-developed world, which system, Communism or Freedom, will triumph in the next five or ten years. That's what should concern us, not the history of ten or fifteen or twenty years ago, but are we doing enough in these areas? What are freedom's chances in those areas. By 1965, 1970, will there be other Cubas in Latin America? Will Guinea and Ghana, which have now voted with the Communists Ghana, which have now voted with the Communists frequently as newly independently countries of Africa, will there be others? Will the Congo government? Will other countries? Are we doing enough in that area? And what about Asia? Is India going to win the economic struggle, or is China going to win it? Who will dominate Asia in the next five or ten years: Communism, the Chinese, or will freedom? The question which we have to decide as Americans: are we doing enough today? Is our strength and prestige rising? Do people want to be identified with us? Do they want to follow the United States' leadership? I don't think they do enough, and that's what concerns me.

 In Africa, the countries that have newly joined the United Nations, on the question of the admission of Red China, only two countries, in all of Africa, voted with usf Liberia and the

Union of South Africa. The rest either abstained or voted against us. More countries in Asia voted against us on that question than voted with us. I believed that this struggle is going to go on and it might well be decided in the next decade. I've seen Cuba go to the Communists, I've seen Communism influence and Castro influence rise in Latin America, I've seen us ignored in Africa. There are six countries in Africa that are members of the United Nations, there isn't a single American diplomatic representative in any one of those six. When Guinea became independent, the Soviet ambassador showed up that very day we didn't recognize them for two months, the American ambassador didn't show up for nearly eight months. 

I believe that the world is changing fast, and I don't think this Administration has shown the foresight, has shown the knowledge, has been identified with the great fight which these people are waging to be free, to get a better standard of living, to live better The average income in some of those countries is 25 dollars a year The Communists say come with us, look what we have done. And we've been, on the whole, uninterested. I think we are going to have to do better. Mr. Nixon talks about us being the strongest country in the world, I think we are today But we were far stronger relative to the Communists five years ago, and what is of great concern is that the balance of power is in danger of moving with them. They made a break-through in missiles, and by 1961, 2, and 3, they will be out-numbering us in missiles. I am not as confident as he is that we will be the strongest military power by 1963. He talks about economic growth as a great indicator for freedom, I agree with him. What we do in this country the kind of society that we build, that will te1l whether freedom wil1 be sustained around the world, and yet in the last nine months of this year, we've had a drop in our economic growth rather than a gain. We had the lowest rate of increase in economic growth in the last nine months of any major industrialized society in the world. 

I look up and see the Soviet flag on the moon. The fact is that the State Department polls on our prestige and influence around the world has shown such a sharp drop that up until now the State Department has been unwilling to release them, and yet they were polled by the USA. The point of all this ist this is a struggle in which we are engaged. We want peace, we want freedom, we want security we want to be stronger, we want freedom to gain. But I don't believe that in these changing and revolutionary times, this Administration has known that the world is changing, has identified itself with that change. I think the Communist has been moving with vigor Laos, Africa, Cuba, all around the world, they are on the move. I think we have to revitalize our society I think we have to demonstrate to the people of the world that we are determined in this free country of ours to be first, not first if, not first but, not first when, but first. And when we are strong, and we are first, then freedom gains, then the prospect for peace increase, and the prospect for our prosperity gain.

  1960年，参议员约翰·肯尼迪和副总统理查德·尼克松都非常成切地进行了总统竞选，但前者的四次电视辩论助了他一臂之力。最终43岁的肯尼迪以微弱多数，击败尼克松，成为美国最年轻也是第一位罗马天主教总统。

 豪先生（艾森豪威尔）、肯尼迪参议员、美国同胞们： 

在这场竞选开始之前，我有一个难得的特权：我曾经游历了五十个州中的四十八个，在我的行程中，我了解了美国人民的所思所想。有一个问题特别突出，它与每一个美国人都息息相关，不论他属于哪一个团体，不论他住在什么地方。这个问题，最简单地说就是：我们如何不需投降就能维护和平？我们如何不经战争就能传播自由？

为了决定如何解决它，我们必须先回答一个简单而又重要的问题：谁在威胁着和平？谁在威胁着世界的自由？……。我认识赫鲁晓夫先生，也曾有机会结识和会见其他的一些共产党领导……。

 首先，我们必须吸取前车之鉴，因为我们再也犯不起过去的那些错误了。在现政府掌权华盛顿之前的七年里，有六亿人拥护铁幕政策，最后，我们卷入朝鲜战争，三万美国人为之丧命。在过去的七年里，艾森豪威尔总统的政府扭转了这一局面。我们结束了朝鲜战争。在坚定有力的领导下，我们避免了其他战争，谈判桌上也没有在原则和土地上让步。

 为什么我们现在成功了，而我们的前任却做不到呢？我想这包括几点原因。……。他们由此造成的错误之一就是导致朝鲜战争的爆发。为了摧毁朝鲜方面的抵抗，他们采取进攻策略，他们以为很快就会实现和平，但却带来了战争。

 我们已经从他们的失误中吸取了教训，所以在这七年中，我们的外加政策强硬起来。我们决不会无条件地让步。在裁军问题和其他领域上，我们总是摆出希望深入谈判的姿态，但决不以放弃世界上任何一地的自由为代价去做任何一件事情。因此，在巴黎会议上，艾森豪威尔总统没有象肯尼迪参议员建议的那样向赫鲁晓夫先生道歉或表示遗憾，他是正确的；……。

 　　……。所以我说，历史证明，我们懂得如何去维护和平，并且不需要投降。现在我们来谈未来的事。

 　　因此，我认为，在六十年代，美国必须各方面都有进展，首先，尽管正如肯尼迪参议员所承认的那样，我们是世界头号军事大国，我们仍需要增强实力，只有增强实力才能令我们有足够的力量傲视所有潜在的敌人。如果他们企图发动突然袭击，我们就有能够摧毁他们发动战争的能力，换句话说，他们必须知道，如果他们

有所动作，那无异于民族自焚。我们需要这方面的力量，因为我们是和平的卫士。

 除军事力量外，我们还需要保证国家经济持续发展。在过去七年中，它已经增长了。在今后的四年中，它能够，也必项增长得更快，既因为我们要在本土有所作为，又因为我们要在竞争中求生存。在这场竞争中，处于领先地位并不够，仅仅满足了自己也不够，我们必须领先发展以保持领先地位。为此，我在这方面提出了一系列建议，确信它能把美国经济推向前进，使之稳步而合理地发展、让苏联在经济上没有挑战我们超级大国地位的机会。

 我们需要军事力量，我们需要经济力量，我们还需要正确的外交政策。什么是正确的外交政策？让我们再一次重温过去，那就是强硬而不好战。“不好战”的意思是指我们不会以暴抗暴。当你对自己的力量充满信心、感到骄傲时，你就不会降至到赫鲁晓夫及其同党的水平。艾森豪威尔总统已经做了榜样，我们将继续这样做下去。

 　　不过，仅仅这样并不够，仅仅成为头号军事强国、头号经济大国，同时有强硬的外交政策并不够，我们必须有一个伟人的目标，就是：不仅自己把握自由，还要把它推广到全世界。美国命中注定要来完成这项任务。 

　　……我们有理由相信，我们关于军事力量、关于经济力量、关于强硬外交的政策首先能保证我们能毫不屈服地维护和平；我们还相信，有伟大的理想，我们就能领导美国在自由之途上赢得胜利，在新的发展中国家中取得胜利，也在资本主义国家中取得胜利。我们对自己有信心，对我们的政策有信心。 

************ 

约翰·肯尼迪 

豪先生、副总统先生：首先，让我在关于Keen William Matchship的问题上澄清一下。……。我支持这一政策。上个星期，作为参议院立法委员会的一员，我重读了敦宁将军1959年代表政府的陈辞，以及国家助理秘书1958年在立法委员会前的发言，我能精确地描述政府的政策，并且全心全意地支持它。所以，这真的不能成其为本次竞选的一个议题，如果正如尼克松先生现在所说的，他也支持艾森豪威尔政府的政策的话。此外，所有的美国人都渴望和平与安全，这也不能成为本次竞选的议题。

 问题在于：我们是否正在向和平与安全迈进？我们的相对力量正在增长吗？是否如尼克松先生所说，我们的声望正前所未有的高？又如他一星期前所说，……？我不以为然。我也不相信我们的相关力量正在增长。这番话我并不是以一个民主党人的身分说的，而是以一个关心美国的美国公民的身分说的。看看古巴，它离美国沿海仅九十英里。1957年，我正在哈瓦那，与美国大使交谈，他说，他是古巴的第二号人物。然而，尽管两位共和党的大使：史密斯大使和加德内大使都就卡斯特罗、卡斯特罗周围的马克思主义影响以及卡斯特罗周围的共产主义影响对美国政府提出了警告，但六个星期以来，已经证明收到了警告的美国政府毫无动作。 

我们的安全维系在拉丁美洲身上。有哪位美国人能看着今天在拉美发生的一切而感到高兴的吗？—一巴西的一位总统候选人在竞选期间认为有必要访问一下卡斯特罗和哈瓦那，而不是华盛顿，因为他想得到在巴西的卡斯特罗的拥护者的选票。今年夏天，在美洲会议和泛美会议上，我们希望他们能联合起来谴责卡斯特罗和古巴共产党，而我们竟连泛美集团的联会谴责都没有实现，最终形成了一个相当暧昧的宣言。你知道吗，现在苏联用西班牙语对拉丁美洲的广播节目是我们的十倍；你知道吗，我们没有一个由政府资助的对古巴的节目。我们不能对他们描述我们的生活，不能对他们说我们是他们的朋友，我们希望他们再次得到自由。 

非洲是世界上正在展露头角的地区。它在全体大会的所有成员中占了百分之二十五，而在1957年以前我们还没有一个负责非洲事务的机构。非洲撒哈拉以南是主要的新兴地带。而现在我们在那一整个地区由政府资助的学生竟不如来自泰国的学生多。如果说非洲国家现在需要什么，那就是技术援助，而去年，我们给它们的技术援助资金还不到拨给全球的百分之五。在中东，我们依赖有《巴格达协定》，但伊拉克政府变更后，撕毁了《巴格达协定》。我们信奉关于中东的艾森豪威尔信条，并在参议院通过了它，但至今没有一个中东国家认可它。

 再看看亚洲，在不发达世界进行的斗争将在未来的五年或十年中取得胜利，不管其体制是共产主义还是自由主义。我们应该注意的，不是过去十年或十五年或二十年的历史，而是我们在这些地区做得够不够？这些地区获得自由的契机是什么？到了1965年，1970年，拉丁美洲还会出现另一个古巴吗？作为非洲新兴的独立国家，几内亚和加纳频繁地赞同共产党，还会有其他的吗？刚果政府呢？其他国家呢？我们在这些地区做得够了吗？亚洲呢？在经济大战中，是印度还是中国会赢得胜利？谁将在未来的五年或十年中统治亚洲，共产主义、中国人还是自由？作为美国人，我们要考虑的是：今天我们做得够了吗？我们的力量和声望正在上升吗？人们想和我们一样吗？他们想听从美国的领导吗？我并不认为他们很希望如此，这让我忧心忡忡。 

在关于接纳红色中国的问题上，非洲新加入联合国的国家中，只有两个国家，整个非洲只有两个国家赞同我们：利比里亚和南非。其他的不是弃权就是反对我们。亚洲大部分国家在这一问题上对我们。我相信这一对抗还将会持续下去，并可能在下一个十年中得出结果。我已经看到古巴转向共产党，我已经看到共产主义的影响和卡斯特罗的影响在拉美日渐增强，我已经看到我们在非洲被忽视。非洲有六个国家是联合国的成员国，但这六个国家中没有一个派有驻美的外交代表。从几内亚独立的那天起，苏联大使就出面了，而我们说忽视了他们长达两个月之久，美国大使在八个月之后才露面。

 我相信这个世界日新月异，而本届政府并没有显示出应有的远见，应有的常识，不能看出这些人民正以伟大的战争来换取自由。换取更好的生活水平，过上好日子。其中的一些国家的人是25美元。……。我想我们将要做得更好。尼克松先生论及我们是世界上最强大的国家，我想今天是这样的。……。他们在导弹方面已经取得突破，到了1961或62、63年，他们的导弹数量将超出我们。我无法象尼克松先生那样自信到1963年我们将成为头号军事强国，他论及经济增长是自由的一个有力的显示器，我同意。从我们在这个国家所作的一切，从我们建立起的这个类型的社会，就可知自由是否将在这个世界上永存。但在今年过去的九个月中，我们的经济发展下降了而不是增长了。在世界所有主要工业国的经济增长率中，我们的最低。

 我抬头看见苏联的国旗在月球上飘扬、国务院民意调查显示，美国的声望及影响力明显下降，而国务院一直不愿意公布这些结果。所以又有新闻署的调查。关键是：我们卷入了这场斗争，我们渴望和平，我们渴望自由，我们渴望安全，我们渴望强大，我们渴望赢得自由。但是，在这个变动与革命的时代，我认为本届政府并没有意识到世界在变，没有使自己与转变同步。而共产党正在充满活力地向前进发。老挝、非洲、古巴、整个世界、他们都在前进。我觉得我们的社会需要新生。我们必须向全世界的人证明我们决心让我们的自由国度毫无保留、毫无条件地成为第一。当我们变得强大、当我们成为第一，自由就会到来，和平的景象就会出现、我们繁荣的景象就会成真。

布什总统清华演讲英文稿摘录

REMARKS BY US PRESIDENT BUSH AT TSINGHUA UNIVERSITY     10:35 A.M. (Local)

PRESIDENT BUSH: Vice President Hu, thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks. Thank you for welcoming me and my wife, Laura, here. (Applause.) I see she's keeping pretty good company, with the Secretary of State, Colin Powell. It's good to see you, Mr. Secretary. (Applause.) And I see my National Security Advisor, Ms. Condoleezza Rice, who at one time was the provost at Stanford University. So she's comfortable on university campuses such as this. Thank you for being here, Condi. (Applause.)

     I'm so grateful for the hospitality, and honored for the reception at one of China's, and the world's, great universities.

     This university was founded, interestingly enough, with the support of my country, to further ties between our two nations. I know how important this place is to your Vice President. He not only received his degree here, but more importantly, he met his gracious wife here. (Laughter.)

     I want to thank the students for giving me the chance to meet with you, the chance to talk a little bit about my country and answer some of your questions.

     The standards and reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here. So, congratulations. (Applause.) I don't know if you know this or not, but my wife and I have two daughters who are in college, just like you. One goes to the University of Texas. One goes to Yale. They're twins. And we are proud of our daughters, just like I'm sure your parents are proud of you.

     My visit to China comes on an important anniversary, as the Vice President mentioned. Thirty years ago this week, an American President arrived in China on a trip designed to end decades of estrangement (疏远）and confront centuries of suspicion. President Richard Nixon showed the world that two vastly different governments could meet on the grounds of common interest, in the spirit of mutual respect. As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou Enlai said this to President Nixon: "Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world -- 25 years of no communication."

    During the 30 years since, America and China have exchanged many handshakes of friendship and commerce. And as we have had more contact with each other, the citizens of both countries have gradually learned more about each other. And that's important. Once America knew China only by its history as a great and enduring civilization. Today, we see a China that is still defined by noble traditions of family, scholarship, and honor. And we see a China that is becoming one of the most dynamic and creative societies in the world -- as demonstrated by the knowledge and potential right here in this room. China is on a rising path, and America welcomes the emergence of a strong and peaceful and prosperous China. (Applause.)

     As America learns more about China, I am concerned that the Chinese people do not always see a clear picture of my country. This happens for many reasons, and some of them of our own making. Our movies and television shows often do not portray the values of the real America I know. Our successful businesses show a strength of American commerce, but our spirit, community spirit, and contributions to each other are not always visible as monetary success.  

    In fact, Americans feel a special responsibility for the weak and the poor. Our government spends billions of dollars to provide health care and food and housing for those who cannot help themselves -- and even more important, many of our citizens contribute their own money and time to help those in need. American compassion also stretches way beyond our borders. We're the number one provider of humanitarian aid to people in need throughout the world. And as for the men and women of the FBI and law enforcement, they're working people; they, themselves, are working people who devote their lives to fighting crime and corruption.

     We have a Constitution, now two centuries old, which limits and balances the power of the three branches of our government, the judicial branch, the legislative branch, and the executive branch, of which I'm a part.

     Many of the values that guide our life in America are first shaped in our families, just as they are in your country. American moms and dads love their children and work hard and sacrifice for them, because we believe life can always be better for the next generation. In our families, we find love and learn responsibility and character.

     And many Americans voluntarily devote part of their lives to serving other people. An amazing number -- nearly half of all adults in America -- volunteer time every week to make their communities better by mentoring （指导）children, or by visiting the sick, or caring for the elderly, or helping with thousands of other needs and causes. This is one of the great strengths of my country. People take responsibility for helping others, without being told, motivated by their good hearts and often by their faith.  

    If you travel across America -- and I hope you do some day if you haven't been there -- you will find people of many different ethic backgrounds and many different faiths. We're a varied nation. We're home to 2.3 million Americans of Chinese ancestry, who can be found working in the offices of our corporations, or in the Cabinet of the President of the United States, or skating for the America Olympic team. Every immigrant, by taking an oath of allegiance （忠诚）to our country, becomes just as just as American as the President. America shows that a society can be vast and it can be varied, yet still one country, commanding the allegiance and love of its people. 

    It was my honor to visit China in 1975 -- some of you weren't even born then. It shows how old I am. (Laughter.) And a lot has changed in your country since then. China has made amazing progress -- in openness and enterprise and economic freedom. And this progress previews China's great potential.  

    China has joined the World Trade Organization, and as you live up to its obligations, they inevitably will bring changes to China's legal system. A modern China will have a consistent rule of law to govern commerce and secure the rights of its people. The new China your generation is building will need the profound wisdom of your traditions. The lure of materialism challenges our society -- challenges society in our country, and in many successful countries. Your ancient ethic of personal and family responsibility will serve you well.  

    Behind China's economic success today are talented, brilliant and energetic people. In the near future, those same men and women will play a full and active role in your government. This university is not simply turning out specialists, it is preparing citizens. And citizens are not spectators in the affairs of their country. They are participants in its future.

     All these changes will lead to a stronger, more confident China -- a China that can astonish and enrich the world, a China that your generation will help create. This is one of the most exciting times in the history of your country, a time when even the grandest hopes seem within your reach. 

    My nation offers you our respect and our friendship. Six years from now, athletes from America and around the world will come to your country for the Olympic games. And I'm confident they will find a China that is becoming a da guo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.

     Thank you for letting me come. (Applause.)  

Q: Mr. President, yesterday I watched the press conference made by you and President Jiang Zemin. At the conference, you didn't clearly answer a question, which is a concern by almost everybody. It's why the TMD system will cover Taiwan. And what's more, whenever you talk about the Taiwan issue, you always use a phrase just like, peaceful settlement. You never use the phrase, peaceful reunification. What's the difference and why?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, very good question. (Applause.) First of all, I want to compliment you on your English. Very good.

   The first thing that is important on the Taiwan issue is that my government hopes there is a peaceful, as I said, dialogue, that there is a settlement to this issue. But it must be done in a peaceful way. That's why I keep emphasizing peaceful. And, by the way, "peaceful" is a word intended for both parties, that neither party should provoke that -- go ahead, I'm sorry.  

PRESIDENT BUSH: We've had many discussions with your leaders, and I've reiterated support for the one China policy. It's been my government's policy for a long period of time, and I haven't changed it. (Applause.)

   I also, in your question about missile defenses, have made it clear that our nation will develop defenses to help our friends, our allies, and others around the world protect ourselves from rogue nations that have the -- that are trying to develop weapons of mass destruction. To me, that is essential for peace in the world. We have yet to develop a system, and therefore, that's exactly what I said yesterday. And it's the truth. But we're in the process of seeing if we can't develop a system. And I think it will bring more stability to the world than less.

   And let me just say one general comment that's very important for you to know. And it's also important for the people of my country to know -- that my administration is committed to peacefully resolving issues around the world. We want the issues resolved in a peaceful manner.

   And we've got a lot of issues that we deal with. We're dealing in the Middle East. And if you follow the news, it's a very dangerous period of time there. We're working hard to bring peaceful resolution there. We're working hard to bring a peaceful resolution to Kashmir, which is important for China. And I recently went to Korea and I made it very clear that we want to resolve the issues on the Korean Peninsula in a peaceful way.  

Another question, please?

Q: It's a pity you still haven't given us -- sorry -- give us a clear question about whether you always use the peaceful settlement. You have never said "peaceful reunification." It's a pity.

PRESIDENT BUSH: We're back on Taiwan again -- (laughter) -- go ahead.

Q: This is a question our Chinese people are extremely concerned about.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, I know.

Q: Three days ago, during your speech in the Japanese Parliament, you said, the United States will still remember its commitment to Taiwan.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Right.

Q: But my question is, does the U.S. still remember its commitment to 1.3 billion Chinese people? (Applause.) Abiding by the three Joint Communiques and three notes. Thank you.  

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you very much. As I said, this seems to be a topic on people's mind, obviously. I can't say it any more clearly, that I am anxious that there be a peaceful resolution that's going to require both parties to come to a solution. And that's what I mean by peaceful dialogue. And I hope it happens in my lifetime and I hope it happens in yours. It will make a ?? it will be an important milestone.  

  And, secondly, when my country makes an agreement, we stick with it. And there is called the Taiwan Relations Act, and I honor that act, which says we will help Taiwan defend herself if provoked. But we've also sent the same message that there should be no provocation by either party for a peaceful dialogue.  

Q: Now, please let me repeat my question in English. Mr. President, I'm a student coming from the School of Economics and Management in Tsinghua University. As we can see, China and the United States have a bright future in scientific and cultural exchanges. Now -- just now, you have made warm remarks about our universities. So my question is, if possible, do you -- will you be happy to encourage your daughters to study in our university? Thank you. (Applause.)  

PRESIDENT BUSH: I'm afraid they don't listen to me anymore. (Laughter.) If you know what I mean. Let me -- first of all, I hope they do come here. It is an amazing country. You know, as I said, I was here in 1975. It is hard for me to describe the difference. It is an amazing transformation. I first saw that in Shanghai, earlier this fall -- or last fall.

   They would benefit from coming here, as would a lot of other United States students. I think our student exchange program is very important. I think our nation must be welcoming to Chinese students who would like to go study in America. I think that would benefit the students, but, as importantly, it would benefit American students.

   It's so important for people to realize in both our countries that we're dealing with human beings that have got desires and loves and frustrations. Even old citizens like me and the Vice President -- (laughter.)

 PRESIDENT BUSH: Even old citizens like me and the Vice President -- (laughter) -- can benefit by spending time getting to know each other. Obviously, there are some issues in our relationship that we don't see 100 percent -- don't have a 100 percent agreement on. But it is so much better to discuss these issues after you get to know a person, as a person.  

  We're human beings, first and foremost. There are just some important characteristics that are real. And, you know, I talked about my families in my speech. Family is just such an important, integral part of any society. And China has got a grand history of honoring family that is an important tradition, an important part of your culture. And I hope my country, as well, has a ?? is known for a strong tradition of family. That's a concept that is not owned by a particular country; it is universal. And when students get to know each other, they learn the universality of many values. And that's going to be important for peace in the world.  

Another question?

 Q: Please let me translate my question in English. Mr. President, I'm a student from Center for International Communication Studies. Younger Bush Neil Bush visited our university just before last Christmas, and he mentioned that there are many Americans, especially politicians, have a lot of misunderstandings about China. So just like -- just as our Vice President Hu Jintao and you mentioned, you all want to make efforts to promote the Sino-American relationship to go ahead smoothly. So my question is, being the President of the United States, what will it take -- some action to promote the contacts and exchanges between the two countries, between the peoples at all different levels? Thank you.

 PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, first of all, my trip here and my discussion here helps promote -- (applause) -- people in my country are paying attention to my visit here. And it should interest you that I was here in the fall and I'm back here again in the winter -- twice, in a very brief period of time. That should say something about the importance of our relationships.

   It's important for our political leaders to come to China. And I know many have, and more ought to come. It's important for the rhetoric, when we describe what we've seen to be accurate and real. And when I go back home, I describe a great nation, a nation that has not only got a great history, but an unbelievably exciting future.

   Many people in my country are very interested in China, and many come, as you know. They come to not only see the beautiful countryside, but they come to learn more about the culture and the people. And we've got to continue to encourage travel between both our countries. (gap in feed --)

   In 1975, everybody wore the same clothes. Now, people pick their own clothes. Just look here on the front row, everybody's dressed differently. Because you thought, this is what you wanted. You made the decision to wear a beautiful red sweater. And when you made that decision, somebody made it.

   And, in other words, the person, the individual, the demand for a product influences the production, as opposed to the other way around. Recognizing the desires of the individual in the marketplace is part of a free society. It is a part of the definition of freedom. And I see that as the most significant change that I can see, besides the new buildings and all the construction.

   But the most important thing is the human dimension of freeing people to decide for themselves. And with that freedom comes other freedoms. So you can understand why the transformation from my memory of 1975 to today is significant. I mean, it is an amazing change ?? for the better, I might add.  

  I'll answer one more question, then I've got to go have lunch with your President. (Laughter.) Yes, sir, in the blue.

 Q: Thank you, Mr. Bush. Thank you, Mr. President, for giving me the last chance to ask you a question. I have read your autobiography, and in it you wrote about some social problem in the U.S. today, just like the violence in campus and juvenile delinquency, and such as the children in poverty. And we know -- a former schoolmate of our university, Tsinghua, and he studied in USA and was killed last year. And I feel so sad. And I know this kind of crime has become more and more serious in today U.S. As the President, do you have any good plan to improve the human rights today in the U.S.? Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Sure. Well, first of all, I'm proud to report that violent crime actually is going down. But any crime is too much crime. I mean, anytime somebody is violent toward their neighbor, it's too much violence. And there's no question, we've got people living in poverty. But, as I mentioned, our government is very generous in the amounts of money we spend trying to help people help themselves. When we all campaigned for office, one of the big debates is how best to help people help themselves.

 Foreign policy is an important part of our campaigns, of course -- at least for President. But the American voter really is more focused on domestic politics, what's happening at home, as you can imagine. If the economy is soft, like ours is now, they want to know what's going to happen -- what are you doing about the economy? If the economy's good, then they don't talk much about the economy.  

  But always we talk about two key issues to address your problem. One is welfare; how do we structure a welfare system that helps people in need, and in my judgment, should not make them dependent upon their government. And the other big issue is education. It's always not only an important part of campaigns, but it's an important part of being -- once you're in office.

   When I was the governor of Texas, I used to always say, an educated child is one less likely to commit a crime. As a governor, and now as President, I have spent a lot of time working with members of both political parties to develop an education plan that starts making sure children learn before they just get shuffled through the system.

   One of the saddest facts about my country is that there are a significant number of fourth grade students who cannot read at grade level. Imagine a child who can't read in the fourth grade is a child that's not going to be able to read in the eighth grade. And if a child can't read in the eighth grade, it's likely that child's not going to be able to read sufficiently when they get out of high school, and therefore won't be able to go to college. It's a shame in America that that's the case.  

  So as part of an education bill I managed to get through Congress last year, we've got a significant reading initiative, where we'll work with the states and the local jurisdictions to focus on an education program that emphasizes reading. This year I hope to work with my wife and others on a early childhood development program, so the youngsters get the building blocks to learn how to read.  

  I'm actually working my way to your question, I promise you. (Laughter.) Because education is the best anti-crime program. It's important to enforce law. It's important to hold people accountable for their actions. It is important to have consistent policy that says, if you harm somebody, there will be a punishment for that harm. But in the best interests for my country, the long-term solution is to make sure the education system works for everybody. And when that happens, there will be a more hopeful future for people, and there will be less poverty, less hopelessness, and less crime.

 Listen, thank you for letting me come. God bless you all. (Applause.)

His Excellency Jiang Zemin's Speech  江泽民主席在财富论坛上的讲话

 Mr. Levin,

 Distinguished guests, friends and colleagues,

 Ladies and gentlemen,

     On this splendid moonlit night in mid-autumn, as we gather in the beautiful city of Shanghai, located on the coast of the Eastern Sea, let me, on behalf of the Chinese government and people, extend a warm welcome to the friends who have come to take part in the '99 Fortune Global Forum, which is sponsored by Time-Warner Group Inc.

     This forum's theme is "China: the next 50 years." China is a large developing socialist country, and its future development will not only directly affect the future of the Chinese people, but will also have important impact on the development and progress of Asia and the world.

     Over the past hundred-odd years, the Chinese people have gone through storm and stress, and in the course of vigorous struggle they have accomplished a great historic transformation. New China's 50 years of development have resulted in accomplishments that have astonished the world.

    Only six years ago, in this Lujiazui District of Shanghai's Pudong area, where we are gathered this evening, there were only run-down houses and farms. Now it is a vibrant modern financial and business zone, full of highrise buildings. Over fifty years ago, I was in Shanghai attending university. At that time, I had a deep sense of the poverty, backwardness and feebleness of the old China. It was then that I decided to devote myself to the noble task of building an independent, free, democratic, unified, rich and powerful New China, and I have been struggling for that to this very day. Fourteen years ago, I became mayor of Shanghai and experienced the process of reform, opening-up and modernization in this, China's biggest city. I'm sure that all of you have seen with your own eyes the constant and unceasing transformation of Shanghai. The growth of Shanghai is one reflection of the enormous changes taking place in China.

     In the first 50 years of the 20th century, the Chinese people made unflagging efforts to change the tragic fate that had been theirs ever since the Opium War. After arduous and valiant struggle, they finally ended their semi-colonial and semi-feudal history, won independence for the nation and freedom for the people, and founded the People's Republic of China under the leadership of the Communist Party of China.

     In the latter half of the 20th century, relying on their own efforts, the Chinese people went all out to make their country strong, and began socialist construction. On the poor and deprived foundation of old China, they built a relatively complete industrial structure and national economic framework, raising the levels of their cultural and material lives significantly. China started marching forward steadily toward prosperity. Now, the Chinese people are confidently taking the road to the future, the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics pioneered by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. These historic initiatives of the Chinese people have fundamentally transformed the tragic fate of modern China, and they are also great contributions made by the Chinese people to the cause of human progress.  

    At this moment in time, when we are about to step into the 21st century and look ahead at the prospects for the next 50 years, we are filled with confidence. The Chinese people will firmly and unswervingly follow the path of reform and opening-up. Our goal is to realize modernization by the middle of the coming century, to make our country a wealthy, strong, democratic and civilized modern socialist country, and to achieve the great revival of the Chinese nation.

     Here, I would like to speak to you about some basic values of the Chinese people. Without an understanding of these, it is difficult to make sense of present and future events in China.

     The Chinese people have always respected the dignity and worth of human beings. The Communist Party of China led the people in revolution, construction and reform for the very purpose of realizing freedom, democracy and human rights for all the people of China. The great vitality displayed nowadays in China vividly demonstrates the tremendous space that the Chinese people have to freely and democratically exercise their creativity. China has a population of over 1.2 billion, but its social production is still not well developed, and we must first and foremost safeguard the people's rights to survival and development; otherwise we cannot even begin to talk about other rights. The fact that China has assured the rights to survival and development of over 1.2 billion people is a major contribution to the cause of the progress of human rights all over the world. The Chinese people advocate the close interlinking of collective human rights with individual human rights, of economic, social and cultural rights with citizens' political rights. This is the road we must take for the cause of promoting human rights in light of China's national conditions.

     The Chinese people have always insisted on independence. They cherish the rights of independence that they have won over a long period of struggle, and they resolutely uphold the right of all people to enjoy these rights.